Abstract: Much of the immigration literature is written without consideration for gender or based on men’s experiences. This chapter critically examines how gender intersects with the racialization process and structural racism that results in prejudice and social exclusion.

Key Concepts: Gender, Binary, Canadian Experience, and Feminization of Migration

Gender, as an axis of the colonial grid, stratifies migration and resettlement. Understanding how and why this process is stratified by gender moves beyond naming different ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors or the ways that men and women resettle^[1]. Acculturation processes often occur in spaces where immigrant/forced migrants are experiencing a construction of their identities as the Stranger, and their ‘difference’ is redefined and recreated in complex ways (Anzaldúa, 2000). Gender remains vital to coloniality today. Violently implemented, the gender binary and the categories of men and women – were part of a larger strategy of colonization. In remaking the colonial homeland, the gender hierarchy intended to disrupt the family, collective and relations to land (Icaza and Vázquez, 2013). Icaza and Vázquez (2013) explain that in current thought around race and gender, generalizations that are un-embodied have come to dominate the discourse – meaning analysis is not emerging from lived realities. To ensure this discussion is built from the ground up, the Coloniality of Gender (CoG) (Icaza & Vázquez, 2013; Lugones, 2007; Salzar, 2012) is used to understand what is imposed on Black, Indigenous, People of Colour and racialized people through gender. Gender represents one of the fundamental destructions of/for colonization. As Lugones (2016) states, “the instrumentality of the colonial/modern gender system in subjecting us – both women and men of colour – in all domains of existence” (p. 14).

As Icaza and Vázquez (2016) contend, gender cannot be added as a category as it is constantly being negotiated – so it cannot be “male vs female” experiences. It was negotiated in their country of origin, during migration and in Canada during resettlement, amidst embodying citizenship and its practices. Gender must be situated in its geography of place, transnationally and in its history (Icaza & Vázquez, 2016). Gender is embodied (Icaza & Vázquez, 2013). The body is a site of labour, political identity, and a visibility politic that both produces and represents gender(ed), class(d) and race(d) identities. In this way, embodiment incorporates how social situations are impacted by how the body is used, viewed and performed (McCaughy, 1998). Using the CoG as a framework requires thinking from and about an embodied experience of how people migrate and resettle (Icaza & Vázquez, 2016). Embodiment centers on the ways that citizenship and liminality are understood and performed by immigrant/forced migrants and subsequently received by ‘Canadians’ (Carranza, 2017). Theorizations from the body are counter-intuitive to Western ways of knowing that see gender as a stable category that gets applied to people. In some Western theorizations, identities such as race then get added to the (stable) construct of gender.

Social situations, in turn, shape ideologies of gender that become written on the body. Gender is reconstructed through citizenship and discourses of immigration. Construction begins before arrival, on who can emigrate, where they can live and what capital they can access by virtue of their identity. This embodiment means that experiences of citizenship are intentionally constructed differently for men and women, and this is a living, ongoing and in-motion process. Gendered migration is reinforced in laws, labour market entry, day-to-day life, and the normative understandings they help to constitute. This discussion is a companion to Migration as a family process on mobility across national borders and the ‘to-ing and from-ing’ that informs the embodied experiences of being here and there simultaneously in transnational lives (Basch et al., 1994).

Analyzing gender connects citizenship practices (being ‘here’ in Canada) to the social and economic reproduction (being ‘there’, or back home) thus, globalizing the family in both masculine and feminine ways. Gender has been absent in migration research, leaving men as the default, masculinizing the dialogue (Lutz, 2010). As a result, there has been a construction of masculinities and masculinist ideologies embedded in migration, mobility and feminization of relationships and transnationalism (Lutz, 2010). Women are increasingly on the move, often correlated to the increased demand for feminized, low-wage labour. However, this assessment does not tell the whole story. Therefore, this chapter focuses more on women.

The data presented in this chapter is primarily from the two companion projects – Men’s Settlement and Integration and Examining the Intersection of Immigrant Women’s Acculturation and Mental Health. Each project was focused on self-identified gendered experiences. Women’s stories often had a nuanced, relational frame. Relationships were woven into men’s narratives with upward mobility, taking care of the self and others, and exploration was foregrounded. In women’s stories, the centrality of relationships was a tapestry throughout their narratives, in terms of both—familial bonds and the desire to develop new connections in Canada with neighbours, co-workers, schools and their new country. Women’s emphasis on relationships was coupled with the hope that their family would be successful, safe and happy in Canada. One of the overarching themes in both projects echoed across research in Canada, was the systemic racism faced in foreign credential recognition. This hope of success that extended beyond re-establishing careers was often met with a sense of exclusion from full participation in their new country (Canada) and a strong desire to overcome it. Participants expressed feeling a demarcation of difference or being viewed as the Stranger/Other, due to not being born ‘here,’ language barriers and immigration status. Moreover, their race and accents were often markers of this difference. There was a sense that their existence pre-migration was irrelevant to their new lives, and they were pressured to gain Canadian experience in employment, education, language and social norms to successfully integrate. This is a consistent finding in research on Canada – the denial of previous knowledge, experience, and work. Women Immigrants identified that they had hope for the future in that Canadians and Canada would recognize their histories and humanity.

The term Women Immigrant (WI) is used, rather than immigrant women (as commonly used), as the participants were women long before they became immigrants, and the same is true for men – Male Immigrants (MI). This departs from the language used in the other chapters to reflect what was used in the research, including the ethics process and how participants wanted to be identified. Immigration is one of their many life experiences, and it is, indeed, a significant marker in their lives, but it does not define their identity. The research explored how women’s migratory journey(s) intersected with mental wellness, health, and resettlement and how this evolved over time and transnationally.

Feminizing Migration to Canada

In Canada, international migration continues to be the primary engine driving its population growth and nation-building (Satzewich & Shaffir, 2007). Currently, immigrants/forced migrants constitute 21.9 % of the total Canadian population, the highest proportion in over sixty years (Government of Canada, 2019). The second generation is estimated to be 17.8% of the population.

With each wave of immigration, the proportion of WI to Canada continues to rise and now accounts for 52% (2.6 million) of international migration to Canada (Chui & Maheux, 2011). In 2015, Citizenship and Immigration Canada [CIC] stated that approximately 271 847 people were granted permanent and temporary residency; slightly above half of this population were women. The feminization of migration, that is, the gradual increase of females in international migration, has brought attention to the gendered aspects from a statistical and qualitative perspective (Chui & Maheux, 2011). However, knowledge of how the intersection between race and gender shapes the various aspects of migration, settlement, integration and acculturation is in the beginning stages (Abraído-Lanza, Echeverría & Flórez, 2016; Lutz, 2010; Suárez-Orózco & Qin, 2006). Emerging research is beginning to shed light on such complex processes (Carranza, 2017; Menjívar & Salcído, 2002). Migration discourse, such as ‘push/pull’ factors, upward mobility, and exploration, represent a specifically masculine ideology that has less applicability to those from the Global South and racialized women. Further, current understandings do not consider the unique journey, complexities and vulnerabilities of women, alone and within the family (Carranza, 2017). Due to the race to the bottom, in political economy terms – driving down wages globally, women are increasingly migrating alone to support their families. Their children are reimagining their country of origin, being raised by family supported by remittances.

Research has suggested that women cite family reunification, economic opportunities, and fleeing gender-based or political violence as the reason for migration (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 2013). Women, more often, face unique relational challenges as they physically leave behind their support networks of close and extended family and friends, which previously sustained their everyday lives. Finding new ways to maintain connections is a part of their resettlement (Ahmad et al., 2009; Carranza, 2008, 2017). The loss of family and roots in their country of origin may be expressed through anxiety and fear, which can affect their adjustment to their country of settlement. For women who have experienced trauma, the negative mental health consequences of migration are often amplified (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 2013). Supports and services are not as readily available to women and, at times, avoided due to a sense of surveillance coming from health, education, child welfare and the immigration process. Feelings of being monitored and concerns around retribution have impacted many immigrants/forced migrants’ desire to seek assistance and are often misunderstood as a barrier to seeking service.

WIs in the imagination of the Global North are often associated with dependency on men as leaders or dominators. Lugones (2016) indicates that these stereotypes, along with the toxic elements associated with masculinity and immigrant/forced migrant men, were created as colonial tools to create race/gender. WI have historically been stereotyped as passive victims of male dominance, having less power in the relationship as ascribed to the role of traditional female homemaking (Carranza, 2017). These stereotypes span across cultures and countries of origin yet have produced different archetypal images. For example, women from El Salvador have a range of stereotypes associated with them – nannies, pupusa-makers, sassy-mouthed, overly sexualized, gang-affiliated, and beholden to marianismo (Carranza, 2022). In the post-911 ‘war on terror,’ Muslim women are portrayed as ahistorical, rooted in a time and place far off with no rights (Shah, 2022).

The masculinization of immigration has done little to dispel these myths. Certain immigration streams favour men reasserting a specific control over migration. The default idea, then, is that they remain the head of the household. For example, Bannerjee and Phan (2014) found that men were often the first movers in the family, with women and families coming second under the skilled worker program. Women then, in these scenarios, are referred to as “tied-movers.” The categories of “primary mover” and “tied mover” are referenced in policy as “principal” and “dependent” during the application process. Principal applicants in the “skilled worker” category are selected based on the point system that takes into account education, occupation, age, language ability, work experience, and adaptability. Men are significantly more likely to be principal applicants (Banerjee & Phan, 2014). In 2009, about 19% of all skilled worker principal applicants admitted to Canada were female. This number rose to 43% in 2019 (Immigration and Citizenship Canada, 2021). Popular discourse and discussion have picked up on the ideology that men resettle faster,  in part by entering the labour market quicker. Recent scholarship has dispelled many of these myths, including the feminization of low-wage labour, indicating that WI find employment quicker than their male counterparts (Satewich, 2017).

These stresses alone, or in conjunction with pre-migration trauma, can have negative impacts on physical health, psychosocial well-being, and mental health during settlement for all immigrants/forced migrants (Bankston, 2014), with impacts on their families and abroad. Arrival to Canada and the resettlement journey can be problematic – from starting over to new family expectations, a more individualistic society amidst the process of racialization and being reconfigured as the Stranger. Exploring these experiences brings attention to how women experience migration differently than how it has been constructed for men and their families. Canada emphasizes inclusion, but little change has been made to its systems and structures. These are perceived by many as an illusion (Li, 2000), limited to symbolic messages in government offices and institutions as well as the waiting rooms of non-government organizations (NGOs) serving the public and/or celebrating the ‘exotic’ food of the Stranger. Canada is known for a politer, subtle form of exclusion- the cleavages of the colonial grid are believed to be more covert. Canada boasts itself as one of the few countries in the G20 that allows its immigrants and refugees to become citizens compared to some European countries (e.g. Germany) and, increasingly, the United States. This juxtaposition is a paradox- the promise of citizenship that comes at a cost. This elevation of Canada has been exacerbated in recent years and exemplified by the actions of the 45^th President and administration of the U.S. The active anti-immigration sentiments, the least of which is the former president referring to refugee-producing countries as ‘shitholes,’ extending to mass migration prevention efforts to punitive policies, have activated a belief in the “Canadian Dream” (Carranza, 2017; 2019). The ‘Canadian Dream’ was an idea brought forward by the participants in both of these projects. This dream is rooted in the promises of a friendly and welcoming brand, multiculturalism, opportunity and equality, and a holistic perspective of belonging in Canada. However, in the research projects discussed in this chapter and book, it was a dream never actualized for people.

Migration, acculturation, and integration are often saturated with stressors and uncertainty, as well as concerns for safety and economic instability. The legal aspect of the immigration process is highly stressful due to the arduousness, from the paperwork to navigating the court system and lengthy waitlists (Menjívar, 2017). Further, the system is constantly changing. Rarely are systems changes proactive and most often in response to a crisis – such as, recent to the time of this writing, mass exodus from Ukraine to responding to extreme backlogs in immigration applications caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Participants in the Men’s Integration and Resettlement project detailed the ways that each of them believed entering their chosen education and work field would be in Canada and how, in each case, that did not materialize. This was due to the claim that ‘Canadian experience’ was needed, claims of un-transferability, racism and xenophobia. Each of the men interviewed felt that Canada misrepresented the possibility of acquiring meaningful employment, which caused economic and mental health stress.

The literature also indicates that once in their new home, immigrants/forced migrants often experience multiple barriers beyond stable employment, such as language, housing, systems navigations and day-to-day tasks. Racialized immigrants may face multiple and added oppressions such as racism, discrimination, and unequal access to services (Carranza, 2018; Comas-Díaz & Greene, 2013; Lee & Hadeed, 2009), as well as exclusion from economic integration and advancement (Creese, 2005; Galabuzi, 2004). It was a myth that once Canadian citizenship is secured, people have certain privileges: the ability to be employed, travel to certain countries without a visa, and a Canadian pension, yet many of these stressors remain. On paper, immigrants/forced migrants obtain the rights of people who were born here, but in reality, this often does not actualize in an idealized fashion (Carranza, 2017).

Economic Exclusion

One of the outcomes of immigration is a decline in income, which results in a ‘brain gain’ for Canada. Lack of recognition of international credentials (Houle &Yssaad, 2012), leading to a lack of meaningful employment (Dressler, 2015; Sethi, 2014), and access to affordable housing (Gajardo, 2010; Mudie, 2010; Wayland, 2007) which in turn can lead to living in extreme poverty (Polanyi et al., 2014) in areas marked by economic disparity (Galabuzi, 2006; Picot & Hou, 2003). More specifically, some scholars argue that for racialized immigrants/forced migrants, the experience of economic exclusion is an ongoing process during settlement and throughout their lives (Creese, 2005; Dyck & McLaren, 2002). Further, women experience gendered challenges in entering the labour market and maintaining employment. Among the ages of 25–54 years old, racialized immigrant men earned 71 cents for every dollar that non-racialized immigrant men earned. Racialized immigrant women earned 79 cents for every dollar that non-racialized immigrant women earned. These gaps continue into the second generation and beyond (Block et al., 2019).

In terms of recognition, Jones (2015) notes that the assessment of the credibility of knowledge exists at the intersection of gender, socialization, strangeness and foreignness. Male knowledge is privileged, rooted in whiteness, masculinity and ongoing coloniality in the Global North. Carranza and colleagues (2023) found that leadership roles remain a well-worn pathway for whiteness, maleness and those who were born here or somewhere in the Global North. Embedded within are the racist conceptions of progress, modernity and coloniality that intentionally dismiss the ontologies and epistemologies of the Global South (Carranza, 2018). In some spaces, racialized men’s positioning has moved, albeit slightly, from the margins towards the center. While representation remains important, with little structural change, these shifts may not be long-term and can be reversed. It can be argued that coming to terms with these dynamics negatively impacts the mental health of people who have migrated to a knowledge economy that excludes their labour and experiences.

Acculturation and Mental Health

Acculturation is complex and multidimensional (Koneru et al., 2007; Pérez, 2011). Broadly speaking, acculturation relates to the psychological, attitudinal and behavioural changes that occur due to the interaction between individuals from different cultures and the settlement society (Berry, 2006). Acculturative stress is associated with the multiple changes/challenges (to name a few: diet, climate, dress code, language, day-to-day routines) of moving across borders to a new place. The move and transitions tend to impact self-esteem, identity, sense of belonging, and meaning-making processes. There is often a decrease in feelings of wellness (Miller & Chandler, 2002; Thomas Gee et al., 2004). In particular, racialized WI face multiple oppressions, such as racism, discrimination, and unequal access to services along the axis of gender (Cómas-Díaz & Greene, 2013; Guruge et al., 2009; Lee & Hadeed, 2009). From a family systems perspective, WIs’ acculturation involves their family members, both in the settlement country and abroad (Gillum, 2009; Latta & Goodman, 2005).

Hilario and colleagues (2017) noted a lack of discussion of men’s mental health in the scholarship on migration. The focus has been on familial and cultural values, intergenerational transmission and acculturation (Hilario et al., 2017; Salehi, 2010). With this lack of understanding of mental wellness for men who have migrated, social inequalities and social determinants of health have not been accurately assessed (Castañeda et al., 2015). This means that for MIs, their experiences of migration and the structural impacts of exclusion and racism are unknown in the ways they navigate their resettlement. What is known is that men tend to access mental health programs less than women (Kirmayer et al., 2007) and that services are not meeting the needs of immigrants/forced migrants (Hilario et al., 2017).

Gender Relations

Acculturation is a family process and is mediated through the extended kin network. For women and men, gender norms within this unit can shift through acculturation. This can require renegotiating roles, time, and space while navigating the family’s acculturation and integration journey (Carranza, 2019). Immigration challenges men and women differently because women are socialized to prioritize their family needs over their own personal goals (Carranza, 2008; Ho, 2006). Banerjee and Phan (2015) found that in economic migration, language acquisition and employment were more often in support of the husband’s career. Low-wage jobs in the current economic structure favour women; they join the workforce much more quickly than men, becoming the primary earners. This can be problematic—as families are often forced into low-wage and precarious labour despite their achievements in their country of origin, which can heighten external stressors (Satewich, 2007). Scholars argue that working women continue to bear the primary household responsibilities to maintain their households (Menjívar & Salcído, 2002). This occurs amidst the loss of support from their extended family and community (Ahmad et al., 2009).

Themes

The themes are presented in the voices and the participants’ stories. This standpoint centers participants’ experiences building knowledge in these studies from below and brings embodiment from the margins to the centre. By using participants’ ‘voice’, it attempts to connect personal accounts to the structural context, to prompt social action (Ponterotto, Mathew & Raughley, 2013). To protect the anonymity of the participants, identifying information was removed, and specific countries of origin were not named in quotes. The quotes remain unedited for grammar or speech patterns to preserve the integrity of participants’ contributions. Further, not editing the quotes preserves a social justice orientation by maintaining authenticity and accuracy when representing the lived realities of participants (Ponterotto, et al., 2013).

The findings indicate that WI face challenges and experience several broken promises. These relate to the shifting needs of family members—particularly their partners and children. Commitment to the family’s well-being before their own as a source of pride was significant. As one participant commented, “I hope my children will see a better world.” The following section presents the pivotal themes that emerged in the data analysis: (i) ‘it’s not about me,’ (ii) co-opted choices, (iii) declining women’s mental health and well-being, (iv) Structural Racism: The Juxtaposition of a Better Life and (v) racism and discrimination.

“It’s Not about Me”: Being Invisible and Mothering through acculturation

The findings strongly indicated that for women, their relationships were central in their lives and, therefore, shaped their decision-making pre-, during, and post-migration. Women’s experiences are often invisibilized. When interviewing men, one participant said, when asked about gender differences, “that’s an interesting question if women adapt differently, I’ve never thought about it”. This was echoed by others with surprise, “I guess women would experience this differently.” Women often spoke directly about their thoughts on men and resettlement, including examples of their husbands to enrich their understanding of gender in the process. Many quotes begin with, “It is this way for my husband, but not for me.” WIs often constructed their narrative with the family or highlighted the differences with their male counterparts.

Another example is that many women identified first as mothers. Examples of motherhood as an organizing principle in their lives included putting their families and relationships first, most importantly, their children. Women who immigrated from collectivist societies drew from alternative discourses wherein the needs of the whole supersede the needs of the one. The following are some examples:

It’s not about me. You see, if they’re [family members] okay, I am okay. When they are not okay, I am not okay either…So, for me to be okay, I need to ensure that they are okay…I know it is difficult to understand, and it is difficult for me to explain it, but that is the way I feel…[Norma]

Another woman commented, “…I think it did for my family. I think it did it for my husband and also for my kids”. A settlement worker put it this way:

Western societies have an emphasis on individualism and independence…. Women [who] come from collective societies think of the family before themselves, not only the nuclear family but also the extended family…experiencing a lot of stresses and pressures. [They] place the needs of the family before their own…Often, there is a conflict…

The findings indicate that from the point of arrival, participants set out to build their lives within conflicting discourses of what it means to be a woman and how womanhood is expressed. Women may need to position themselves according to the challenges they encounter in the settlement context, e.g., the ease or difficulties in getting international credentials recognized and securing employment.

Fatherhood through Acculturation

In describing their experiences, there were many references made by the participants to a narrative of searching for a better life, for themselves and their family. Their pre-migration aspiration for a better life was often framed in terms of physical, political, economic and social safety and security in Canada. There was a belief that their success would translate into the overall well-being of their family. During the interviews, several participants echoed similar reasons for migrating: “new/better opportunities,” “the possibility of a new life,” “upward mobility,” “more security,” and a few said “adventure,” no longer living in liminality.

Men, too, often identified concerns about safety, health and economic well-being but situated themselves as actors within this narrative. One adult child commented, “Men, especially immigrant men, need to support their families. This support is by money and showing them how to be successful”. They further explained that: “women are more likely to look for help, support. Men will just try try try to do it, they do not want to ask for help, they just want to ‘make it’ for themselves and their family”. Raising children who were self-sufficient was a key driver for men so their children could be more successful in Canada than in their country of origin. One father explained, “it’s up to you to make it worth it, you have to make it worth the pain of moving to a new country and everything you experienced. You have to make it worth it, and you have to make it easier for your kids”. Another man stated, “I live to work. I worked 90 hrs. per week…going from one job to another…When I was exhausted, I used to tell myself ‘you’ve got to keep going, you can’t crumble, you got to do it for your kid.’ I couldn’t afford to be sick or have back pain. I just couldn’t…”. One child explained that “Fathers from [country] are not able to be emotional with their kids. In part because they just have to work all the time. So you see Dad’s involved on TV and that’s not how it is. My Dad supported us to survive only”. In this way men saw their family in relation to themselves, as leaders and providers. It was in their success that their partners, children and extended family could be safe and prosperous.

Co-opted Choices

A second most significant theme was the ‘choices’ WIs made, specifically due to immigration. Most of these were done in silence, while others were carried out for the children’s or their husbands’ welfare and without much recognition from those around them. The reasons varied, to name a few: migration to Canada, letting go of their careers so their husbands could pursue theirs, staying home and caring for their children because they had no family to trust and giving up motherhood. The following excerpts highlight this theme:

I never wanted to leave my country or my family…But things change when you get married you know…. Honestly, this is not my story, it’s my husband’s story, because he wanted to live in North America, it was the biggest dream for him… I had a PhD in my country…here I’m a janitor. I chose not to have children when we were there [country of origin] because it would have been too difficult to come here with little children. We have been here for a while now… The first years, here [Canada] I chose not to have children because we were living in poverty and I wanted my husband to have his [professional] credentials recognized. I chose to work so my husband could try… We are still living in poverty and I am now too old to have children [looks down & a pause is taken] [Irina]

When asked about her ‘choice’ of working so her husband could have his credentials recognized, she responded:

He needed it more than me…You know, men’s identity is closely tied to their jobs and what they do…He was very upset when he found out how hard it was. I thought it would break him if he continued to work on what he was doing…

Another participant added:

We both came here [Canada] with professional degrees and years of experience. Once here, we were told that we needed our professional degrees recognized… that is very expensive! We were also told that we needed Canadian experience… the experience that we had vanished in thin air! I was one of the few engineers in my country that worked with water…water is water here and in the rest of the world. We both could not do it [get credentials recognized]. So, [I] decided to stay home with my children now, while my husband works in getting his credentials recognized. He is very close now. I am very happy for him. Life will change for us. We will be able to buy a house and provide better for our children [Nina].

Another participant commented:

We had a very good life in our country. We had a chauffeur and other servants. My husband was not so optimistic about life in —–. He wanted the kids to grow up safe. There [country of origin] it is mandatory for children to serve in the army. My husband didn’t want that. I really didn’t want to come…I had a good life there, material things, family, and friends. I had a very busy social life. I wasn’t prepared to what was awaiting for me here. I mean cleaning toilets, cooking and the things that a house needs. My time there [country of origin] was divided between my social life and my family, but not looking after the house…I was not prepared to clean toilets. It was very difficult for me… I used to cry a lot…like… I had never done that! [Nadia]

When discussing acculturation and integration, one woman spoke about how they moved through the first few months, “When I first immigrated to Canada, I was just focused on my family, my kids and me, on how we’re going to make it.” For example, in assessing and making decisions on organizing their new lives in Canada, one woman noted, “I planned to get a job, but my son was a little boy, and I needed to take care of him.” This indicated that children’s needs are foundational to acculturation as a family. One service provider said that women “place the needs of their family before their own”. Another woman stated, “However, that [attending school] wasn’t my choice, because at that point and I say to her [worker], “Who goes to university? My kids, not me. Because financials”. Children and their future were, as one woman identified, “Yes, they are priority, since I live in my country, kids. Kids get educated, get their life and be happy”. Often, the decision to migrate and the process of acculturation and integration were organized around caring for and providing for their family. The findings indicate that hope for a better life encourages women persevere as they were forced to choose to work in a field foreign to their own.

We didn’t imagine it’s going to be so hard to find a job, honestly. I believe in me, because it’s my way. Every day I know it’s going to be okay, every day. I am really optimistic, but it’s not [okay]… Sometimes, I know I am just lying to myself. But it is really hard… Because, I will tell you, [the] first year, when I came here, I worked in a factory, I made balloons and I worked 12 hours shift, night shift.

The quotes above highlight the ‘choices’ the participants made for the sake of the well-being of their families. Some of these were carried out with more difficulties than others, women leading their professional and specialized field were ready to do so for their families. While others were more resistant to the idea of taking on activities related to housekeeping. An important issue here is how these choices had a resulting impact on the women’s mental health.

Men: Irreconcilable (forced) choices

In both studies, men and women faced the ‘choice’ of leaving their country of origin. In migration, ‘choice’ is often a misnomer. Men expressed that they chose a ‘better life,’ which identified Canada as a ‘place of opportunity,’ as well as social safety, freedom of movement, and peace. Men consistently constructed ‘choice’ as a more active process than women. One explained that “sometimes you just have to break out for a new adventure, you will grow, and you know your family will grow, and there aren’t those opportunities at home.”

One participant, who was in Canada alone, said, “It just becomes the only reasonable option to live well. But is this well? I cannot drive here; I have a management job but was told not to hire other immigrants. So ya, we’re poor back home but turns out poor in other ways here”. The pre-migration narrative of a better life, which was promoted internationally, was woven into the range of stories shared. A participant, recruited as a professional said,

I went to school in England, I had heard that many minorities do so well in Canada. There were ways to live better. I thought – yes, I am not white but they want me, so it will be okay. That company stuck me in a town of 13,000. I was the brown guy with an accent. That’s not better at all – but you make it work.

Despite the various countries and cultures that participants were from, the idea of choosing a better life through migration was embedded in their accounts. This choice ensured their and their family’s safety, security, rights, and well-being. Some participants alluded to how this search for upward mobility and the Canadian dream reinforced the ideology that the Global South is considered frozen in an inferior way of living, socially problematic or backward and that the role of the Global North, including Canada, is not often discussed. One adult child reflected:

My Dad knew he just needed to be fine with the jokes [specific to country of origin] because we needed to be here, he chose to come to live better…. but none of those people or my parents ever talked about how Canada/the U.S does stuff in every country to make it impossible to live. No one wants to talk about that.

Many participants had constructed Canada as an “improvement overall”, but noted the irony that much of Canada’s success was dependent on the “exploitation back home” and “everyone wants cheap oil but they don’t want the cost – us living in their country”. The choice of migration existed amidst a myriad of factors, including the desire to be in control of one’s life and their family’s future.

A Downward Trajectory: Declining Women’s Mental Health and Well-being

Women often maintained hope for themselves and their families in their narratives, but unspoken notions of sadness sometimes emerged. At other times, within this hope was the realization that the shifts amidst the exclusion added sadness and dampened well-being. The accumulated impact of ongoing stresses had implications – particularly for the participants’ mental health. As the following participant stated, “women carry the emotions for the family.” She added:

Women often carry emotions for our families. If we are the carrier of emotions, and depending on the amount of situations we have gotten over, we might get to a place in which we are overflowing with emotions…We don’t know where to put them; And how do we keep going and continue to be the backbone of our family? Then, what happens if you can’t do it anymore? What happens to the family then? We just want the best for our family…[Lori]

Another participant added to these complexities:

We had a very good life there [country of origin] …I was a teacher… We came here for our safety. Safety is the most important thing for us… We don’t like much what we are doing here—nothing we do is related to our field! I chose to do this job to be with my children because my husband works at night. I am strong woman, but it gets tough sometimes…It is difficult to carry on every day here. Sometimes I find myself crying a lot for no reason…I have survived the genocide of my people…Kurdish people. I lost seven in my family, including my baby bother. I still have family there. It’s a constant worry…I focus on my children…their future…their safety [Nadia]

An adult son commented:

It [immigration] broke her…I mean being here, watching my dad, an engineer, drive a taxi. She having to spend long hours in a factory so we would not go without…We didn’t help…well, I didn’t help… I did not understand it then. I wanted things. You know, you go to school and the other kids have this and that…I wanted it…I didn’t know we live in poverty. My mother had a nervous breakdown. She spent some time in the hospital… [Yani]

While a professional working with WI commented the following:

…It chips away their confidence and self-esteem. I’ve met people full with hope, happy to be here and ready to start their life here and be active contributors. I’ve met engineers, teachers, doctors, and nurses. They try very hard to get their credentials recognized, but the system makes it impossible for them. Ten years later, they are working in something unrelated to their profession but still trying…But then, it gets to them and breaks them. They get depressed after years of trying…They can’t function as mothers or wives anymore. The system brakes them. Some of them end up in disability. They get sick when they cannot push themselves anymore…

Another participant commented on her own experience dealing with anxiety:

I just felt dizzy; my heart started beating really fast, and I felt like I was going to faint. And I was sweating, ‘oh my god what is this’… I had to lie down for a while, so next day I went to the doctor and the doctor asked, ‘what has happened in the past 5 years?’. And I told him, I said, well, we were deported, da da da, we were [family members] separated’… He just looked at me and he said, ‘no wonder’. He goes ‘you have been through a lot of things that could’ve happened in five years.’ So, you packed five years in one year. So, then I just developed that [anxiety] and it lasted for a few years… I get it now. Once in a blue moon, but I know how to control it because I know what it is and it is just maybe I’m overly stressed, that just hits, and I am like, okay, but I know what to do like I don’t. I always said it is not going to kill me because that’s I am going to tell my doctor I think I am going to die. And because my heart, I am going to have a heart attack, because I feel my heart coming out of my mouth (laugh).

The above quotes indicate that accumulating stress, despair, disappointment, and loss of hope is an ongoing process and a lived day-to-day reality of WI to Canada. From anxiety attacks to hospital admissions due to a nervous breakdown, the impact on the body, mental health and wellbeing is evident.

Men’s Mental Health

When asked about their, or their spouse or father’s mental health, the subtext of the responses was fraught with an upward, improvement, and moving narrative. As one male participant explained, “yes its hard and it’s frustrating. When you apply for and interview for jobs and don’t get them, it gets to you. You don’t feel good about yourself. But there’s not time, you gotta keep moving and keep trying”. There was a sense of time connected to mental health and wellness, that there was not enough of to properly address what was happening. Men, and from their family’s perspective, believed that they chose to come to Canada to be well. Not keeping moving forward was associated with failure. The fear of failure activated the men’s worries over disappointment coupled with the desire to realize the collective family aspirations—particularly their children.

One child retold the story of their father quickly getting a job upon arrival, a “survival” job. They indicated “this is not what he wanted to do but you need a job straight away – so there is a loss? He’s older now looking back, realizing there are other things. There is grief there. A grief no one talks about”. These participants emphasized the stress and emotional toll of financial hardship, which generated an ideology that one cannot “give in” to depression or anxiety. This significant pressure was described by one participant: “I had a good job in [country], but I knew problems were coming with the government. So, I worked on my English to come here as an economic immigrant. I cannot be sad about things that happened – or why did I come?”. One participant noted sadness about being an immigrant and the loss of home and identity. However, this loss was mediated by learning English pre-migration and gaining entry via the points system – in this way, he felt he was equal to being a Canadian. One adult child interviewed for the men’s project said, “Canadians assume your journey, your trauma ends. Poof! When you get here, you should be grateful and question – why do you miss home?”. In this way, many immigrants/forced migrants identified being denied the space for sadness. This generated significant pressure for men to succeed for themselves and their loved ones. Many men felt their obligation was to do well, connected to their ‘choice’ to move and for the overall wellness of their family.

Structural Racism: The Juxtaposition of a Better Life

Beyond the collective narrative of searching for a better life and safety was the disillusionment with Canada and their struggle to integrate positively – this was discussed by participants in both projects. Positive integration was correlated with stable employment, safety, and the ability to meet basic needs, as well as with building connections and navigating Canadian systems. One of the consistent messages was the lack of information about Canada and the resettlement process given prior to migration and during resettlement. This resulted in people feeling somewhat ill-prepared for Canada, which added an additional layer of struggle during settlement. Most participants noted that upon arrival, information was difficult to access, missing or incorrect, and some information remained elusive. Settlement workers also noted that this lack of information remains one of the central challenges. This meant that navigating the hazards of the Canadian systems posed an additional challenge by requiring them to navigate a new system without clear directions or a roadmap. Further, these experiences included trying to understand mainstream Canadian culture and humour, as well as traversing the education system amidst experiences of racism and exclusion. Perhaps the most damaging misinformation was the idea of multiculturalism and equality that did not materialize in their journeys.

Participants shared nuanced stories about exclusion based on race and identification as not ‘from here’ and what it was like for them and their families to leave their home countries and resettle in Canada as immigrants or refugees.  For some participants, this narrative also referred to resisting stereotypes about their people, countries, and cultures. It also required negotiating systemic discrimination while being expected to show gratitude for being in Canada. For all participants, international credential recognition and institutional deskilling were prominent themes related to disappointment, disillusionment, and problematic information provided prior to migration that led to underemployment and experiences of living in poverty. Most importantly, this was one of the most significant structural barriers experienced differently by women. Many participants envisioned they would have the opportunity to work in their profession upon arrival in Canada. Acceptance into the country as a skilled worker class gave the indication that a person would be able to work in their field. One woman spoke to this confusion, identifying that people “have no idea what they are doing after this because they are happy because they think Canada needs people. They give them a job”. One service provider further elaborated:

Skilled workers, they are coming here, usually, usually [with emphasis] [with] higher expectations that they can achieve here in Canada. Why? Probably because of lack of information they getting when they are coming here. Because they think, ‘I am a skilled worker. I am accepted as a skilled worker.’ So [the] expectation is, ‘I will work according to my education.’ Then you have it, that doesn’t happen when they come here. When they come here, they are very frustrated. For example, somebody mentioned in the past before he came here, he was “delivering babies”, and when he came to Canada, he was “delivering pizza”.

Participants spoke about the frustration that they did not know Canada would not recognize or give them credit for their education and experience in their countries of origin. Further, immigrants/forced migrants are told they need “Canadian experience” with little explanation or guidance as to the reasoning behind it. One woman stated:

If I want to get a job, I need Canadian education, Canadian job experience. How can we get Canadian job experience? They do not accept, if I do not have a Canadian education and Canadian job experience. They do not allow us to work. How can I get experience? Where do I start?

Not acknowledging previous education and experience was viewed as placing immigrants/forced migrants at a disadvantage and creating a significant hazard while trying to navigate systems and recreate their lives in a new country. Women had to decide who (they or their partners) could be retrained, often due to financial restraints and childcare needs. The costs were a significant burden, combined with unclear information, which created significant pressure and stress on women and their families. This process secures a low-wage workforce, and in many ways, this lack of information shaped the acculturation and integration process, pushing those who had migrated to the margins of Canadian society.

Racism and Discrimination

Many participants indicated that Canadian people “are not open to immigrants.” Being closed also meant a refusal to acknowledge exclusionary and discriminatory practices. Racist encounters challenged not only their belonging but exacerbated their marginalization. A range of experiences was brought forth in the interviews and focus groups. Stories ranged from having to change surnames to qualify for interviews, being told their education and experiences were “less than” Canadian, to discrimination in health care as some doctors “Do not want to deal with patients with an accent.” A male participant recounted questions he received as he advanced in his company around “affirmative action policies.” One woman summarized their struggles in the following example, “Immigrants are trying and not treated right because of colour or race. How did it impact me? It made me angry.” There was a range of stereotypes that were operationalized, from assuming the majority of women could not speak English, immigrants are here to steal jobs, they are uneducated, to stereotypes concerning culture such as, “you KNOW how Latinos are.”

For example, a number of service providers spoke about the stereotypes surrounding women who wear hijabs. Many women had encountered Canadians who correlated the hijab with extreme gender oppression and intimate partner violence. A service provider attributed the lack of information, the challenges faced in navigating Canadian systems, and stereotypes to “… the systemic racism we are talking about. Without that, I think many of these things would change. Because then you would have more flexibility, and we would have more people being open-minded towards immigrants”. Most participants, including adult children, workers and women, identified that the migration journey was often accompanied by a decline in mental health and well-being. This decline was related to a number of factors: pre-migration trauma, losses, and marginalization, including barriers to information and experiences of racism.

Discussion

The stories of migration, as told by immigrants/forced migrants themselves, their families and immigrant serving agencies, brought forth accounts of trauma and loss, resiliency, and the struggle to leave one’s country of origin and stay in Canada. There was an emphasis on relationships and economic stability, coupled with the hope that their family would be successful, safe and happy in Canada. Men often had a labour focus on their narrative, accessing employment, learning English and earning to support immediate and extended family. Beyond the dialogue of labour market entry, the analysis revealed the gendered ways men felt were the ways to support – financial and stability being primary drivers. The hope of integration was often met with a sense of exclusion, racism and refusal of recognition.

The participants indicated that the lack of validation of international credentials and employment presents a significant barrier to immigrants’ economic and social integration into Canada. Furthermore, underpinning this barrier is the predominant tabula rasa or blank slate discourse stripping immigrants from everything that has meaning to them—including their professional identity or questioning their grief due to their loss of home. Coming from the Global South to the North signifies being placed as lacking and/or having inferior knowledge. Accordingly, Said (1979) posits that the West constructed the East as different and inferior and, therefore, in need of Western intervention. Within this framework, the “recognition” of international credentials can be understood as a well-crafted intervention from the West wherein policing knowledge produced by those constructed as inferior has led to patrolling the professional competencies of immigrants to Canada. Based on the need to ‘protect’ the public from less advanced knowledge, this discourse has gained much support and credence in Canada. Professional colleges enact and/or enforce such discourses. Arduous processes and expensive fees force immigrants/forced migrants to Canada to abandon their professional careers and aspirations. This outcome serves elite neo-liberal groups—as immigrants become a disposed group willing to engage in economic subjugation for the sake of the family’s well-being and/or safety.

Knowledge policing significantly impacts immigrant families—particularly women. Under the umbrella of ‘choice,’ WIs’ bodies and souls are coopted by the discourses of the West/Global North. As migration is increasingly feminized, there are new ways to manifest exploitation – the racializing of women along the lines of gender. As gender is considered to manifest itself and be performed differently across the Global South and the North, women enter a new colonial encounter upon arrival. A new, imposed system controls not only their bodies but also their citizenship and hopes for a ‘better life’ while attempting to erase their past lives. Perhaps the most prominent example of this erasure is the denial of foreign credentials while creating a mechanism for men to more easily access—as spoken of by the women in this study. As women were socialized and reinforced in Canada to care for the family- more space was opened for men to retrain. This barrier also exists for men, but there are differences in who can access the few opportunities gracefully provided.

In Canada, immigration policy favours a pluralist approach, which means that programs and services are intended to assist the integration or ‘catching up’ processes of immigrants/forced migrants. Policy and legislation boast a gender-neutral approach and, when necessary, a focus on the family. Many women and their families did not experience a ‘welcoming community’ in Canada. WIs experienced barriers located at the juncture of gender and race, which often left them at the margins. Women bear these disparities in their flesh and soul—as their ‘choices’ are born out of necessity, hence compromising their mental health and well-being. Womanhood and motherhood are at the core of their decision-making processes. Thus, WIs carry the emotions and stresses of their families on their backs. In turn, they, too, carry the core of Canada’s economy, that is, a cheap, abundant and readily available immigrant workforce. They do so in the shadows and silence, at the expense of their mental health, well-being and, during the COVID-19 pandemic—their lives.

CASE: Nolah

• What are the mediating factors in Nolah’s case?
• How does colonial gratitude emerge or not?

Nolah’s partner was persecuted and killed in her country of origin. As a result, she and her children went into hiding. After some time, she and her three children, devoted Catholics, arrived in Canada sponsored by a specific religious faith. Their sponsors provided much-needed support once in Canada, i.e., housing and networks that led to secure employment, clothing, monthly allowances for food and monthly bills for up to a year. Nolah stated they were welcomed in their community as “one of their own.” They were treated with kindness and respect and felt that in comparison to other immigrants/forced migrants they met while learning English as a second language, they were living their lives with dignity among people who they considered both friends and family. In fact, all three of her children had scholarships to attend private schools in this faith denomination.

Nolah reported feeling incredibly grateful for everything the people in the congregation had done for them. They even welcomed them in their faith, which they decided to convert. She faithfully attended their weekly services and was very involved in preparing rituals and the altar. However, she recused herself on special occasions to attend the Catholic service. “It’s not the same”, she said. “I grew up in the Catholic church. My mom took me and my siblings every week. The smell of palo santo during Semana Santa [Holy Week] transports me to my church… to happy times when my mom was living before the civil war in my country. She talked about how the sermon and the songs sung by the choir in Spanish touched her soul in a way that the English sermon didn’t. She expressed feeling guilty and disloyal to the people who had helped her so much. She said she couldn’t help it—as she found herself missing a piece of herself. She kept this a secret, stating that she could not bring herself to tell members of the congregation who had helped her and her children when she needed it the most.

Conclusion

In migration discourse, gender has become a historically, geographically, and now transnationally constructed, specific, and changeable element (Amelina & Lutz, 2019). The Canadian state also reinforces this gendered stratification and is dependent on the manufacturing of gendered labour. The forcible parts of displacement are often rooted in gender, as are migration streams in Canada (e.g. Caregivers Program vs. Temporary Foreign Workers). As research flourishes on the nuanced experiences of migration as they intersect with gender, this chapter details these as they intersect with race and acculturation. Despite the benefits to Canada, one being a supply of ‘low wage’ labour, immigrants/forced migrants women and men continue to be racialized and gendered as inferior and endure systematic violence(s). Indifference has characterized Canada in terms of how people navigate these terrains. This indifference is insidious and is often played out in nuanced ways (Lugones, 2016), as participants recounted here. It maintains the barriers created to racialize men and gender women within this process. It is found in daily life and at the level of theorizing oppression. This is evidenced in the separation or erasure of women from the immigration discourse and masculinizing narratives (Lugones, 2016). The meta-narratives speak to upward mobility, progress, advancement and mobility- the male experience, often white (Carranza, 2019).

Discussion questions:

• How does gender construct the Stranger?
• How do social policy and immigration policy construct gender?
• What are some of the discourses on gender binary migration?
  • How have these played out in your experiences in social work and the helping professions?