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7.3 Theoretical Perspectives on Marriage and the Family

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Learning Outcomes

By the end of this chapter, you’ll be able to:

  • Discuss the functionalist, conflict, and symbolic interactionist perspectives on the modern family.

Functionalism

When considering the role of family in society, functionalists uphold the notion that families continue to be an important social institution that plays a key role in stabilizing society. They also note that family members take on roles within a marriage or family, which are determined by the functions required to keep families operational and viable. The family and its members are functional components in a social system whose performance facilitates the continuity, prosperity and development of society.

One of the socialization functions of the family is to teach children gender roles. The functionalist Talcott Parsons (1943) emphasized that in each family, there is a division of labour that consists of instrumental and expressive roles. In the past, men tended to assume the instrumental or breadwinning roles in the family, which typically involve work outside of the family that provides financial support and establishes family status. Women tended to assume the expressive or nurturing roles, which typically involve work inside the family, including providing emotional support and physical care for children (Crano and Aronoff, 1978). The differentiation of the roles was seen as performing a specific role and function that helped maintain the functioning of the family as a whole. Defined roles was also seen to reduce internal competition for status within the family, and ambiguity about the status of the family in the external community.

Today, how have these roles evolved? And what function do they serve for the family and society as a whole?  What challenges exist with this evolution? For example, stay-at-home dads are becoming more common today but their non-traditional role may produces ambiguity and uncertainty in their claim to status in the community (e.g., being seen as not ‘really’ working). Working women, on the other hand, may also find themselves pulled in different directions between expectations from work and expectations that they continue their homemaker roles within the family. Canadian sociologist Andrea Doucet (2024) tackles some of these questions through interviews with fathers and mothers. How do parents navigate and negotiate ‘caring’ and ‘breadwinning’ responsibilities?

The Double Burden

Historically, women were only considered part of the labour force when they worked outside of the home. In several instances, women only worked until they were married as it was expected that males were the breadwinners and women were homemakers. During WWI and WWII, women did fill in labour gaps while the men were abroad (Connelly, 2015). However, they were paid lower wages and encouraged to leave the labour force when the wars were over. However, following WWII, several women were able to find and maintain employment in “female” occupations in the service industries. Between 1950 and 1994, women’s participation in the workforce rose from just 11% to 57%. Women continued to earn lower wages than men and were more likely to be employed in part-time positions (Connelly, 2015).

More recently, Statistics Canada (2023) reports that the gender gap in human capital has declined. Between 1970 and 2020, women accounted for about 30% of men’s human capital and rose to 70% in 2019. Additionally, the gender wage gap has also continued to narrow. While men continue to earn more, the gap reduced from 16% in 2007 to 12% in 2022 amoung paid workers aged 20-54 years old. However, some women continue to face larger gender wage gaps such as full-time workers compared to part time, Indigenous women; and larger when the presence and age of children were considered (Statistics Canada, 2023).

Although more women are participating in the labour force, the gendered division of labour in the homes seldom change. The following video provides an overview of Arlie Hochschild’s research on “The Second Shift” which explores whether women work a second shift doing unpaid domestic labour in their homes following their workdays. (Stanford Center on Poverty and Inequality, 2016)

Conflict Theory

Dorothy Smith in 2022. (CC BY-SA-4.0)

This perspective adopts a historical lens to examine the economic structures and power relationships that influence family forms and processes (Comacchio, 2000). Sociologists working in the Marxist tradition emphasize the ways in which family relationships are entwined with the changing structures of work.  Firstly, until the 20th century families were the main site of economic production and consumption. As economic activity separated from the home, families became dependent on the fluctuations of wage labour while still remaining a main unit of consumption and economic collaboration.

Secondly, families continued to play a key role in the reproduction of labour power — feeding, clothing, replenishing, raising, and socializing. The ability of family members to do work depends on the family. Dorothy Smith therefore described home and family as “integral parts of, and moments in, a mode of production” (Smith, 1985). For sociologists like Smith, the dynamics of home and family cannot be analyzed independently of the capitalist economic and political structures that organize them and give them their particular forms.

For example, one development is the transition from the feudal family unit, as the basis of production and consumption, to the capitalist family, where economic life moves outside of the home, was the redefinition of public and private spheres. North American families came to be defined as private entities, the consequence of which (historically) has been to see family matters as issues concerning only those within the family. Serious issues including domestic violence and child abuse, inequality between the sexes, the right to dispose of family property equally, and so on, have been historically treated as being outside of state, legal, or police jurisdiction. The feminist slogan of the 1960s and 1970s — “the personal is the political” — indicates how feminists began to draw attention to the broad social or public implications of matters long considered private or inconsequential.

Intimate Partner Violence

Domestic violence is a significant social problem in Canada. In 2022, there were 117, 093 victims of intimate partner violence aged 12 and above (Government of Canada, 2025). Domestic violence is often characterized as violence between household or family members, specifically spouses. To include unmarried, cohabitating, and same-sex couples, sociologists have created the term intimate partner violence (IPV). Women are the primary victims of intimate partner violence. It is reported that 78% of victims/survivors of IPV in 2022 were women and girls, more than three times higher than IPV experienced by men and boys (Government of Canada, 2025). IPV may include physical violence, such as punching, kicking, or other methods of inflicting physical pain; sexual violence, such as rape or other forced sexual acts; threats and intimidation that imply either physical or sexual abuse; and emotional abuse, such as harming another’s sense of self-worth through words or controlling another’s behaviour. IPV often starts as emotional abuse and then escalates to other forms or combinations of abuse (Centers for Disease Control, 2012).

IPV has steadily increased since 2014. From 2014 to 2022, intimate partner sexual assault increased 163%; intimate partner physical assault has risen by 14% and indecent/harassing communications increased 38% (Government of Canada, 2025). Since the outbreak of COVID-19, there is emerging data to demonstrate that domestic violence against women and girls has intensified. This has resulted in several municipalities across Canada referring to domestic violence as an ‘epidemic’ and the UN refers to it as the ‘shadow pandemic’ (UN Women, 2020). This is a significant issue and has significant long-term effects on individual victims and society.

Symbolic Interactionism

Interactionists view the world in terms of symbols and the meanings assigned to them (LaRossa and Reitzes, 1993). The family itself is a symbol. To some, it is a father, mother, and children; to others, it is any union that involves respect and compassion. Interactionists stress that family is not an objective, concrete reality. Like other social phenomena, it is a social construct that is subject to the ebb and flow of social norms and ever-changing meanings.

Consider the meaning of other elements of family: “parent” was a symbol of a biological and emotional connection to a child. With more parent-child relationships developing through adoption, remarriage, or change in guardianship, the word “parent” today is less likely to be associated with a biological connection than with whoever is socially recognized as having the responsibility for a child’s upbringing. Similarly, the terms “mother” and “father” are no longer rigidly associated with the meanings of caregiver and breadwinner. These meanings are more free-flowing through changing family roles.

Interactionists also recognize how the family status roles of each member are socially constructed, which plays an important part in how people perceive and interpret social behaviour. Interactionists view the family as a group of role players or “actors” that come together to act out their parts in an effort to construct a family. These roles are up for interpretation. In the late 19th and early 20th century, a “good father,” for example, was one who worked hard to provide financial security for his children. Today, a “good father” is one who takes the time outside of work to promote his children’s emotional well-being, social skills, and intellectual growth — in some ways, a much more daunting task.

Symbolic interactionism therefore draws our attention to how the norms that define what a “normal” family is, and how it should operate, come into existence. The rules and expectations that coordinate the behaviour of family members are products of social processes and joint agreement, even if the agreements are tacit or implicit. In this perspective, norms and social conventions are not regarded as permanently fixed by functional requirements or unequal power relationships. Rather, new norms and social conventions continually emerge from ongoing social interactions to make family structures intelligible in new situations, and to enable them to operate and sustain themselves

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