The Developmental Perspective on Youth in Post-Secondary Education

Tom Hollenstein, Vanessa E. Martin, Megan S. Wylie, and Katie Faulkner
Department of Psychology
Queen’s University

Introduction

Typically, youth entering post-secondary education (PSE) in North America have just completed high school at an average age of 18, which is still considered “late adolescence”. At the same time, this is the age period in which societal sanctions and permissions of adulthood take effect (e.g., voting, criminal sentencing). Thus, first year students are in a developmentally liminal period in which they are still maturing and continuing in a student role but at the same time are often initiating their independence and self-sufficiency. The purpose of this chapter is to provide a developmental science lens on important maturation processes that pertain to PSE-aged youth. In particular, we describe three focal areas of development that are relevant to all youth at this age: identity, emotion regulation, and interpersonal relationships. Before delving into those domains, however, we first provide details about the scope and context of our approach.

First, our emphasis throughout is on universal processes endemic to all youth and how these may play out in a PSE context. This is a select group of youth that enters PSE who have a greater preponderance of some characteristics (e.g., ability to get good grades in high school) and less of others (e.g., antisocial or criminal behaviour). Nonetheless, the biological and social forces we cover are not specific to this population. What is unique are the differing pathways in which developmental processes unfold within each individual given the PSE context. For example, all youth are experiencing brain maturation but each individual is shaping those maturation processes with their own unique experiences.

Second, we are limiting our coverage to the lion’s share of incoming students who fit a particular developmental profile. Namely, that these youth are entering PSE in late adolescence, just after completing high school, as opposed to those who enter later in adulthood or do not attend at all. Even though some of the challenges of the entry and completion of PSE are shared by all ages, there is far more theory and research, and therefore understanding, of the typical 18-year-old first year student.

Third, by extension, we also exclusively consider the North American PSE experience. Nonetheless, where appropriate, we will discuss how various aspects of cultural or geographic diversity may be relevant to developmental processes.

Finally, we will touch on a few broader themes throughout. One is the concept of affordances. Drawn from ecological theories of perception (Gibson, 1979), a given context or situation can constrain or enable particular behaviours to make them less or more probable to occur. Post-secondary programs, for example, afford scholarly behaviours and interactions with others with interest or expertise on a particular topic. From a developmental perspective, affordances limit or enhance opportunities for experiences that shape one’s development.

This relates to a second theme as well: digital affordances (Manago et al., 2020). Schools at all levels are now reliant on digital technologies and students rely on these technologies for educational, social, and recreational purposes. This has introduced novel affordances as the context for development that constrain and enable particular experiences (e.g., the speed and distance at which social interactions can occur). Although a deep dive into the digital landscape is beyond the scope of this chapter, we will touch on these affordances throughout where relevant. Our perspective is that the digital realm provides extended contexts in which well-known developmental processes can transpire by serving the fundamental needs of agency (self-directed behaviour) and communion (connecting with others) in identity development (Granic et al., 2020), opportunities to experience and manage emotions (Hollenstein & Colansante, 2020; Hollenstein & Faulkner, 2023), and the initiation and maintenance of relationships (Chen & Katz, 2009; George & Odgers, 2015). That is, although these affordances have been available only recently, there is nothing fundamentally different about current cohorts of youth (e.g., gen Z) in terms of core developmental processes.

In the next section, we summarize the broad features of adolescence and the transition process towards adulthood. This will cover historical perspectives and biological changes that define this age period. With those general features in mind, we will cover three domains most relevant for a developmentally oriented understanding of university students. First, we cover the process of identity formation that begins prior to post-secondary but is ongoing into the post-secondary years and beyond. Next, we will describe how emotions and their regulation develop within the context of academically and socially challenging circumstances in PSE. Finally, we tie these together by considering the change landscape of family and peer relationships fomented by the transition to PSE.

Adolescence To Adulthood

The modern conceptualization of adolescence began with G. Stanley Hall (1904) who recognized the growth of this age period during the industrial era. All cultures throughout history have had some concept of the liminal space between childhood and adulthood (Schlegel & Barry, 1991), but this period became longer and more defined in the modern era. There is nearly unanimous agreement that adolescence begins with the onset of puberty. However, the age at which adolescence ends is socially determined and differs widely across cultures and historical periods. Norms and trends of the past 150 years have delayed the end of adolescence, as the number of children in families has decreased and investment into children’s education has increased (Dahl et al., 2018). Thus, particularly for those attending PSE, familial and societal resources support extended opportunities to develop and mature before becoming fully independent and materially self-sufficient.

This delay in the start of adulthood and the various complexities and variations of modern life have rendered strict stage-based definitions of age periods difficult to contend with. Unlike clear developmental milestones that occur in infancy with only slight variation in age of onset across individuals (e.g., walking, talking), development after puberty varies in timing, rate, and quality across individuals to such an extent that any categorical definition of age ranges of stages is not universally applicable. Thus, although several terms have been used, such as late adolescence (late teens), emerging adulthood (20-29; Arnett, 2007), or early adulthood (Cote, 2014), they do not adequately capture what is developing in all individuals but rather better reflect societal expectations and economic constraints (Cote, 2014).

We suggest the alternative is to focus on process rather than stage categories. Process refers to the patterns of thought, feeling, and action that unfold over time. These patterns can be recognized and described developmentally as long as they are not rigidly attached to specific ages. In this way, development is viewed as ongoing — a journey, not an arrival.

Furthermore, a process account also includes event-based perturbations or transitions as the means through which old behavioural patterns may give way to new ones (Granic et al., 2003; Hollenstein et al., 2013). Transitions can be idiosyncratic (e.g., relationship break up) or more universal (e.g., completion of formal schooling), but either can initiate a period of variability and vulnerability that leaves one open to new experiences. As we will highlight in subsequent sections, the entrance into PSE is a profound example of this kind of transition that punctuates developmental processes. Indeed, the first year, particularly the first semester is the most challenging for youth (Conley et al., 2014). Compared to previous adolescent levels, the first year is associated with greater stress (Conley et al., 2014), loneliness (Larose & Boivin, 1998), depression (Bewick et al., 2010), and anxiety (Doane et al., 2015). Fortunately, across the 4 years of university, distress decreases (Sheretal.,1996) and general well-being increases (Schulenberg et al., 2005). Thus, the initial transition period brings unique challenges that are distinctive from the trajectories toward greater resilience at the end of obtaining a degree.

From a developmental perspective, the uncertainty, vulnerability, and variability that occurs at developmental transition points, such as the first few months at university, is both a challenge and an opportunity (Dahl, 2004). In order for new habits, patterns of behaviour, or even ways of thinking to emerge, there necessarily has to be a breakdown of previous ones (Granic et al., 2003; Hollenstein & Tsui, 2019). For example, for those who had adverse experiences in childhood or adolescence, the transition may offer an opportunity for a new start (Huguenel & Conley, 2020). Thus, although such transition processes can be uncomfortable and anxiety provoking, they are simultaneously part of universal processes of growth and change.

Before extending into our three topic areas, we would like to note one further developmental detail as background. As any insurance company knew a long time ago when developing their rental car policy for those under age 25, the development of the human brain continues through late adolescence and into adulthood. Although there are myriad brain changes after age 25 due to experience (e.g., learning to play the piano at age 50), the major structural development that begins in infancy continues into the mid-20s (Giedd, 2004). By structure, we mean the number of neuronal connections (i.e., gray matter) and the insulation that facilitates the speed of connection (i.e., white matter). White matter increases with age but, perhaps counterintuitively, gray matter decreases precipitously throughout adolescence. This is because humans have an overabundance of neurons and synapses early in life that are enhanced when used often and wither when not used (Blakemore, 2012). This pruning is due to experience and culminates during or just after post-secondary age.

Importantly, the last regions of the brain where this pruning of gray matter occurs is in the dorso-lateral prefrontal cortex – the areas near the top of your head between ears and forehead. This area has the most connections with all other areas of the brain because it is involved in various processes such as working memory, synthesizing and manipulating the information held in working memory, perspective taking, delay of gratification, and self-control (Steinberg, 2010). Not only are these important processes that facilitate academic success, but they also contribute to the developmental changes in identity, emotion regulation, and social interactions that are covered in the next sections.

Identity Development

The post-secondary experience is often one of questioning and exploring different versions of oneself that may exist, with the final goal of choosing or committing to one coherent self. This is the process of identity formation, centered around the question of “Who am I?” Choosing which major to declare, what clubs to join, with whom to be friends, and how and when to rely on parents are all identity relevant challenges typically faced during the transition to PSE, making identity formation a preeminent developmental goal in this time period. This section will: (a) describe the process of identity formation and how it unfolds during post-secondary, (b) explain how individuals find meaning in their environment and incorporate that into their sense of self, in order to further this process, and (c) highlight the social nature of identity formation.

The Identity Formation Process

Identity formation is an iterative cycle of exploration of identities and commitment to those which support the realization of a cohesive sense of self. For example, a student entering PSE could think of themselves in terms of their major (e.g., a sociology student), group memberships (e.g., a polo player), characteristics (e.g., smart, compassionate), or interests (e.g., philosophy, volleyball). This process unfolds developmentally through two cycles: the identity formation cycle and the identity maintenance cycle (Luyckx et al., 2006), both made up of different types of exploration and commitment. The identity formation cycle involves exploring multiple different identities, and committing to the ones that feel like a good fit. In the identity maintenance cycle, the commitments made in the previous formation cycle are further evaluated and the individual either deepens their identification with these few commitments or begins the identity formation cycle once again.

Exploration of either type appears to be at its peak at 18-19 years old (Luyckx et al., 2013). This means that the transition to, and first couple of years of, post-secondary can be characterized by high levels of exploration through questioning previously made commitments, or actively seeking out new ones to explore. All types of exploration can foment instability or uncertainty and may manifest as temporary negative feelings (Crocetti et al., 2023; Luyckx et al., 2013; Schwartz et al., 2013). However, by and large these normative emotional challenges are short lived and resolve as an individual progresses through their cycles towards more stable commitments. Those that manage to explore their identity in both depth and breadth are likely to end up with stronger and more resilient commitments that can withstand subsequent challenges and future life transitions (Branje et al., 2021; Crocetti et al., 2023; Schwartz et al., 2013).

Narrative Identity: Communion, Agency, and Cohesion

Narrative identity theory further elaborates the intrapersonal processes through which this certainty is reached, and commitments are made (McLean, 2008). According to the theory, it is through narratives (i.e., stories about the self and how one came to be who they are), privately thought or publicly shared, through which youth make sense of life events and the role that they play in them (McAdams, 2019). By integrating these self-narratives with personal and societal values, they build a unified and cohesive life story (Granic et al., 2020; McAdams, 2019).

Intrapersonal narrative identity formation emerges from a tension between two key psychological needs: agency and communion (Granic et al., 2020; Schwartz et al., 2005). Agency is the need to individuate, take control in making choices, and think from one’s own perspective. Communion is the need for connectedness and belonging. In childhood and early adolescence, communion is central to how individuals understand themselves; however, by mid-adolescence, the focus turns to agency narratives as individuals seek to differentiate themselves from others, especially family. However, university-aged youth work to balance and utilize both in their narratives (Branje et al., 2021). The structure of higher education facilitates both these needs and their integration. The individuation of agency occurs through such features as course and major selections, or any choice made in an effort to differentiate oneself from others. Communion needs are met through various social affordances such as the dormitory system, interactions with classmates, and opportunities to connect with others who share interests.

Although much of identity formation can be internal, focused on characteristics, behaviours, or future plans, often the values and categories considered are interpersonal via their relation to various social groups (i.e., Crocetti et al., 2023; Tajfel & Turner, 2004). Existing social groups such as families, religious groups, social clubs, and even educational disciplines can provide a template for youth to understand the values, beliefs, and behaviours typical of a group member. Youth can then explore these qualities when choosing their own values, beliefs, and behaviours, and evaluate their commitment to their group membership (Crocetti et al., 2023). The post-secondary environment often exposes students to new groups and identities of which they were previously unaware, or even groups who share identities that previously seemed unique to themselves (Kroger et al., 2010). For example, a student who was adopted may not meet others who share their experience or racial identity until they are part of a larger campus community. These experiences may stimulate new identity formation cycles (Huguenel & Conley, 2020).

As we have highlighted, the development of identity can be emotionally distressing at times, and it is also a social process. These are the themes we take up in the ensuing sections. First, we consider how capacities to manage emotional states comes to maturity at this age. Then, we consider how relationships with family and peers – the close others with whom youth work out their narrative identities – change and develop during the post-secondary years.

Emotion Regulation

The transition to post-secondary presents a series of novel challenges for youth to manage in the domains of school/work (e.g., more difficult workload), social relationships (e.g., new social situations to navigate), and personal finances (e.g., managing money and paying bills; Arthur & Heibert, 1996). Finding ways in which youth can deal with these new demands can be stressful (Cantor et al., 1987), as these stressors can be often perceived as uncontrollable and unpredictable (Sapolsky, 2004). Emotions, such as anger, sadness, and particularly anxiety, are natural responses to these stressful challenges (Folkman & Lazarus, 1985). Moreover, the type and quality of emotional experiences may change for youth entering PSE. For example, from the summer before entering university to the end of the first semester, positive emotional experiences become less frequent, while negative emotional experiences are stably maintained (Rogers et al., 2018). Given the novelty and breadth of these stressors and the emotions that accompany them, youth need to further develop and apply efforts to manage, or regulate, those emotions.

Emotion regulation refers to the ways in which an individual attempts to change their emotional experience (Thompson, 1994), which can be achieved through a variety of strategies that alter different aspects of emotional experiences (e.g., thoughts, feelings, or behaviours). For example, cognitive reappraisal is the attempt to change one’s evaluation of the meaning of an emotional experience (i.e., considering a different perspective; McRae et al., 2012), whereas expressive suppression is the attempt to hide facial expressions of emotions (Gross et al., 2006). Because emotions and stressors occur throughout daily life in PSE, youth use a variety of emotion regulation strategies daily to alter their emotional experiences (Heiy & Cheavens, 2014).

The range of an individual’s emotion regulation strategy use is referred to as their “repertoire,” which may be large and diverse (i.e., containing a wide array of emotion regulation possibilities) or small and limited (i.e., relying on only one or two strategies for all emotional experiences; De France & Hollenstein, 2017, 2019; Lougheed & Hollenstein, 2012). Compared to adolescents, post-secondary-aged youth have developed a larger repertoire of emotion regulation strategies (De France & Hollenstein, 2019; Zimmermann & Iwanski, 2014). For example, expressive suppression (i.e., decreasing one’s facial expression of emotion) and cognitive reappraisal (i.e., thinking about the emotional trigger in a different way) are used more often in emerging adulthood than in adolescence (De France & Hollenstein, 2019; Zimmermann & Iwanski, 2014), though their use appears to decline later in PSE schooling, as youth have adjusted to their new environment at school (Compas et al., 1986; Park et al., 2020).

This repertoire expansion might occur for several reasons. First, PSE-aged youth are still maturing cognitively, which reflects the structural brain changes mentioned earlier (Mills et al., 2016). Subsequently, youth are better able to execute challenging emotion regulation strategies that they could not use as effectively when they were teenagers. Reappraisal, for example, requires more cognitive effort (Suri et al., 2015) and is even taught in various forms of therapy (Beck & Dozois, 2011). Importantly, reappraisal is considered central to competent social and emotional functioning as it is typically applied early in the onset of an emotion and is associated with greater well-being (Aldao, et al., 2010). With cognitive maturation, reappraisal becomes easier to implement (McRae et al., 2012), and is even used more frequently than other strategies like expressive suppression (Nezlek & Kuppens, 2008; Zimmermann & Iwanski, 2014, 2018).

Second, PSE-aged youth with their broader repertoires are implementing emotion regulation more contingently by selecting strategies in accordance with situational demands. It is beneficial to use multiple emotion regulation strategies in a flexible and context-dependent way (Bonanno et al., 2004; Westphal et al., 2010), rather than exclusively using one or two strategies across all situations. For example, specific strategies are selected to handle specific emotions (Heiy & Cheavens, 2014; Smith et al., 2022) and different emotion intensities (Dixon-Gordon et al., 2015; Wylie et al., 2023). Emerging adults also choose specific strategies when they are with specific people (e.g., expressive suppression is used more around strangers than close others; English et al., 2017) and depending on how much control they feel they have over the situation (Haines et al., 2016; Medland et al., 2020).

Finally, emerging adults might be better able to balance their short- versus long-term goals in their emotion regulation attempts with a broader regulation repertoire. For example, although expressive suppression use is associated with short-term costs, such as negative evaluations and judgements from others (Srivastava et al., 2009; Tackman & Srivastava, 2016), it can also be used for long-term benefits, such as conflict avoidance (English et al., 2017). With maturation, PSE-aged youth are better able to consider these short- and long-term costs and benefits, enabling more effective regulatory fit to each situation.

These developmental changes in strategies and repertoires, however, have so far been examined mostly in North American PSE contexts. Hence, it is unknown how culturally specific the findings are. Because there are cultural differences in both the experience and expression of emotions (Matsumoto et al., 1998), the developmental timing of changes in either repertoire or flexible strategy deployment may be diverse. For example, emotion regulation strategies like expressive suppression may not show the same developmental change and may be used less in North America compared to East-Asian cultures (Butler et al., 2007; Soto et al., 2011). This may be particularly relevant in North American PSE contexts given the relatively high proportion of international students on these campuses.  However, although there may be different patterns due to differing models of emotional enculturation, more general developmental processes (e.g., structural brain maturation, identity development) are universal. Thus, improvements in emotion regulation are expected for all students, but the manifestations may differ across cultural groups.

Emotional Co-Regulation

So far, this section detailed the development of the self-regulation of emotions. However, emotion regulation can also be a social act in which people can regulate each other’s emotions. In fact, this “co-regulation” is the basis of emotion regulation in infancy, when caregivers implement various techniques to calm or soothe their baby’s distress (Morris, et al., 2018). As children mature into adulthood, their capacity for self-regulation increases but co-regulation never ceases to be important for well-being (Butler, 2011). By late adolescence, youth reciprocally engage in co-regulation efforts (e.g., social support) with family, friends, and romantic partners.

PSE-aged youth often seek out social support to help them deal with their emotions (Heiy & Cheavens, 2014), and use of this strategy also increases from adolescence into early adulthood (Zimmermann & Iwanski, 2014) and across the university experience (Park et al., 2020). With the arrival at post-secondary, many students will have moved away from previous co-regulation partners, opening opportunities to further develop their co-regulation skills with new partners. These new relationships may include peers or adult mentors (i.e., non-relatives), who can also be important for emotion regulation in emerging adults (Le et al., 2021).

For those that relocate to post-secondary, the digital age has increased access to co-regulation partners at home and elsewhere (Wei & Lo, 2006). Through text, social media, and video chat, youth living away from home can more easily rely on their emotional support networks than previous generations were able to, having a positive impact on their well-being (e.g., Bardi & Brady, 2010). Unfortunately, this is an unexplored area, so it is not yet clear if digital opportunities have diminished the degree to which students develop new co-regulatory relationships or are better able to regulate due to an expanded network with a strong foundation. Fortunately, social support achieved through digital means is just as effective for emotion regulation as in-person support (Colasante et al., 2020). Thus, for current generations of youth, digital technology may be a valuable tool to extend and enhance emotion regulation capacities (Hollenstein & Faulkner, under review).

Developing competent emotion regulation skills is critical for psychosocial functioning in adulthood. Emotions and their co-regulation is an ongoing process in any close relationship. Thus, in the next section, we consider the developmental changes in the forms and functions of relationships across the university transition.

Change in Relationships

Parents and Caregivers

As youth take their first steps into post-secondary training, the parent-child relationship is transforming, driven by a confluence of developmental and contextual changes (Arnett 2004; Tanner, 2006). During this transition, as youth make a leap toward greater autonomy and independence, parents continue to play a vital role in providing support (Lowe & Dotterer, 2018; Wartman & Savage, 2008). Although some of this support is instrumental, such as financial assistance (Schoeni & Ross, 2005; Yelowitz, 2007), much of it can be emotional, including advice and comfort (Fingerman et al., 2009, 2010, 2016; Pizzolato & Hicklen, 2011). However, the nature of this support undergoes a gradual transformation due to the changing developmental needs of young adults (Harnett et al., 2012; Lowe & Dotterer, 2018).

The first year of post-secondary, in particular, becomes a key phase for renegotiating the parent-child relationship. As many students move away from their homes and immerse themselves in new social environments – including interactions with peers, professors, instructors, and academic administration and advisors – parental involvement often recedes (Harnett et al., 2012; Lowe & Dotterer, 2018).  This adjustment aligns with the developmental progression of identity formation and emotion regulation described earlier, fostering their individuation from parents and integration within the novel campus setting.

This shift from a hierarchical (i.e., top-down parental control) toward a more horizontal parent-child relationship (i.e., reciprocity and mutual independence) is facilitated by no longer living under the same roof. For youth who attend PSE while still living at home, however, there is less room for forming new relationships outside of one’s family unit and the need for autonomy can be more challenging to satisfy (Bradley-Geist & Olson-Buchanan, 2014). In either case, the negotiations for autonomy and recentering require both parent and child to develop new and better communication processes. Thus, this is a transition for parents as well as youth. Just as not all youth make a smooth transition into university, parents vary in how well they cope with distance, independence, and waning of their control (Baete Kenyon & Silverberg Koerner, 2009). For example, youth and parents can differ in their expectations for autonomy, with parents sometimes expecting more autonomy than their children (Collins et al., 1997). Hence, it is important to situate the challenges of students’ adjustment as not being solely due to their own development.

In recent generations, advances of digital technologies have changed the nature of remote parent-student communication considerably. Audio and video calls, instant messaging, and social media platforms bridge geographical gaps, allowing youth to maintain close connections and support networks despite physical separation (Chen & Katz, 2009; George & Odgers, 2015). First year students often experience significant shifts in family dynamics and exhibit heightened contact frequency with family (Dorsch et al., 2016; Wolf et al., 2009), using digital devices as virtual tethers to maintain emotional closeness and promote higher levels of relationship satisfaction with parents (Chen & Katz, 2009; Gentzler et al., 2011; Gordon et al., 2007). Decades of research has shown that in contrast to difficult relationships, continued parental connectedness actually facilitates individuation and autonomy (Aquilino, 2006; Grotevant & Cooper, 1986). Whether this sustained digital connectivity with parents has the same effect is not yet clear.

Peers

Although parental relationships undergo a shift as mentioned above, close peer relationships are similarly transformed by the move to post-secondary (Swenson et al., 2008; Fraley & Davis, 1997). However, peer relationships may be even more important than parents for providing support to a student living away from home (Dennis et al., 2005). For instance, many students rely on each other when it comes to academic problems, supporting each other in their classes by forming study groups, understanding course concepts, or helping with assignments (Dennis et al., 2005; Richardson & Skinner, 1992).  Additionally, peers become a pillar of support emotionally, offering compassion and understanding by experiencing the same challenges and demands associated with the transition to post-secondary (Dennis et al., 2005; Yazedjian et al., 2007). Thus, peers are able to offer support in ways that are unique from parents due to their shared circumstances.

Campuses also provide youth with rich opportunities to engage with individuals of diverse cultural, intellectual, and experiential backgrounds and build new social networks (Swenson et al., 2008). Engaging in such social interactions can help students adjust and feel connected with their university environment (Goguen et al., 2010; Tinto, 1998), as well as learn more about themselves and others (Crocetti et al., 2023). However, students are faced with a unique transitional challenge of navigating the maintenance of pre-existing peer relationships while also trying to form new connections (Benson, 2007; Swenson et al., 2008). Although pre-existing friendships offer familiarity and emotional support (Benson, 2007; Oswald & Clark, 2003), they can sometimes inhibit a new student’s ability to feel attached and integrated with the new university environment (Benson, 2007; Goguen et al., 2010). Thus, as with parents, existing peer relationships also need recalibration to accommodate the changed circumstances.

Compared to peer relationships formed early in adolescence, PSE-aged youth form relationships more strongly based on shared academic interests and recreational activities (Swenson et al., 2008). In addition, relationships now form based on shared living spaces (i.e., roommates).  The affordances of these situations increase the amount of time in contact with peers and the range of possible second-order relationships (e.g., roommate’s friend). Thus, there is typically an increase in both the quantity and quality of relationships.

Digital technologies have also revolutionized peer relationships during the PSE period. Digital platforms like social media (e.g., TikTok, Instagram, Snapchat) and messaging apps (e.g., texting, Facebook messenger, iMessage, Whatsapp) have become virtual bridges for both initiating new relationships, finding and engaging with communities, and maintaining connections across distances (George & Odgers, 2015). For those leaving home for school, they can stay in touch with old friends as social supports as well as form new bonds upon arriving to campus (Ellison et al., 2007; George & Odgers, 2015). For those who have opted to live at home, it allows them to stay engaged with the social happenings on campus and cultivate new connections.

In summary, the transition to post-secondary sparks significant shifts in both parent and peer relationships. As emerging adults tread the path of autonomy and increased responsibilities in this novel environment, the parent-child dynamic evolves into more adult-like interactions, challenging parents to balance support with newfound independence. Meanwhile, the university environment stimulates diverse peer connections, providing social and emotional support during this pivotal time.

Conclusion

Although the majority of major developmental milestones emerge during the first two decades of life, at the start of their third decade youth are still transforming into the adults they will become. As students take steps toward future careers by engaging in post-secondary training, they are also human beings riding waves of biological, emotional, and social change. Despite being granted the civic rights and responsibilities of adulthood, the investment into youth in the modern era has extended this developmental period. Nonetheless, youth of today must still adapt and grow in the same ways that previous generations have by forming a coherent identity, mastering emotions, and initiating and maintaining supportive relationships. The PSE environment is a rich and fertile soil for these normative developmental processes to unfold.

It is our hope that faculty, staff and administration can adapt their policies and responses to students through the normative developmental understanding we have outlined. This includes being sensitive to age related capacities and the conditions under which youth thrive and grow. For example, it has been difficult for the older generations which comprise the majority of faculty, staff, and administrative positions to understand the ways in which youth use digital technologies. By understanding that, at least in part, these tools are serving important functions for their intra- and inter-personal needs (e.g., identity exploration, social connection and support), it may be easier to identify and address concerning situations. Furthermore, by understanding the timing and form of universal developmental change, it may be possible to improve structures and supports for youth of varied cultural backgrounds. Although there are myriad ways that youth behaviours and interests can manifest in the PSE environment that need thoughtful consideration, at their core all youth are traversing the same developmental journey as they mature.

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About the authors

name: Tom Hollenstein

name: Vanessa Martin

name: Megan Wylie

Megan Wylie is a PhD candidate in developmental psychology at Queen’s University, where she also received her master’s degree. Her research primarily focuses on expressive suppression, a form of emotion regulation, and specifically how expressive suppression develops from childhood to emerging adulthood, as it is an essential socioemotional skill used to maintain social harmony.

name: Katie Faulkner